A Dissertatlon Presented By
A. E. D'AGUANNO
August !974
I would first like to express appreciation for the help, encouragement and tolerance for exploration given to me by the members of my committee, Dr. Dee Appley (chairperson), Dr. Alexandra Kaplan, Dr. Harold Raush, and Dr. John Weston [see Footnote 1]. I would specifically like to thank Dr. Appley for the meetings we had in the somewhat murky beginnings of this effort. The interest, excitement, and warmth displayed by all of these people is also very much appreciated.
Secondly, I would like to thank the 11 people who consented to let me in on some very exciting, often intimate, experiences. Without their honesty, openness, and trust of my intentions, this study would never have been completed.
Finally, I wish to thank Sally Ives for her excellent and patient job of typing and Jackie Day for her valuable help in transcribing some of the tape-recordings.
There are very few studies in psychology focusing on very positive (or "healthy") states of being; much more common are studies exploring states of pathology.
Inspired by a personal experience of the author which occurred in the summer of 1973, this study focused on "prolonged positive states of being," defined as:
Eleven people (seven women and four men, ranging in ages from about 20 to over 40) who had had such an experience were located. These experiences ranged in duration from three days to about three years.
The method employed in the study was individual in-depth interviews focusing on the individual's experlence. The person first gave an account of the experience in his or her own words. A set of specific questions was then asked of each individual.
The results of the study are presented in two ways: 1) A detailed case-study is provided for each of the 11 experiences; 2) A comparison or analysis is made of some of the relevant dimensions of the experience. Some of the more important results of this analysis are:
This type of experience may be viewed as a state of "being" in the midst of "becomlng"-- a synthesis of Maslow's descriptions of positive states ("peak experiences" and "self actualization") and Jung's description of the growth of the personality ("individuation").
Implications for the field of psychology and, in particular, the application of this research to therapy, are discussed.
Chapter I Introduction 1
[1] [Note: Numbers in square brackets correspond to page numbers in original manuscript]
There is a very curious phenomenon existing in the field of psychology: the almost total exclusion of the concern with, thought about, or study of states of health or positLve states of being. This exclusion is so total as to have almost passed unnoticed by many in the field. When one thinks of the states of being under the province of psychology one normally thinks of depression, anxiety, neurosis, paranoia, schizophrenia, etc., but rarely of happliness, ecstasy, joy, or contentment.
The present study, which has its origins in the personal experiences of the author, is a small step towards a psychology of positive being. Its focus is on prolonged positive experience-- those experiences having a duration of at least several days, but possibly much longer. I will attempt to relate the experiences to the growth of the total personality.
A Personal Experience
For a little over three weeks, I was on a journey at once physical, psychological, and spiritual. I was free and was flying high-- perhaps freer and higher than ever before in my life.
The physical facts are easy to relate: I left Los [2] Angeles on a Sunday morning in early August; I hitched on U.S. 1 up the Pacific coast; two or three days in Bug Sur, four or five in Santa Cruz, then a few in San Franclsco and Berkeley, inland into the woods and mountalns for over a week, then back to San Francisco and Berkeley for several days before taking a plane from San Francisco to Boston.
I met many people and developed several intense relationships in very short periods of time. I camped out in the woods, on the beaches, in the mountains, or stayed with people I met while on the road. I ate whenever I was hungry, was alone when I needed to be, climbed or ran when the urge hit me, and went out to people when I felt like belng with someone.
I was leaving behind one of the most bizarre, intense, frightening, lonely, rich, challenging, tension-filled years of my llfe-- an internship at a chlld guidance clinic in Los Angeles, a city where initially I knew absolutely no one-- to which I had hitched some 6,OOO miles (through Canada and the West coast) a year earlier. I had been in this strange city for a year without a car-- in a place where a car is almost as necessary for survival as is food. This was the year an intense relationship (with a woman) of several years' duration, was shattered. There were the innumerable pressures of the clinic and constant challenges to my ideas and clinical work by some very good (and also by some very bad) supervisors. There were personal conflicts of unprecedented [3] magnitude, finally culminating in a decision to enter therapy. What I was leaving behind was a period in which I threw myself headlong into a totally new and, for the most part, alien environment and tried very hard to find the life energy in it and within myself. I left Los Angeles with a feeling of completion and a feeling of impatience to be free, to be on the road again, to be in the sun (without a protective coating of smog).
Two or three days out of the city I started experiencing a peace and calmness perhaps unknown at any other time in my life. I was happy, joyful, delighted at being alive. I was excited and was bursting with energy-- physical, mental, and emotional. I felt almost totally free and unrestricted. My actLons seemed more spontaneous and "right" (in the sense of belng appropriate to the total situation). My thoughts were clearer, quieter, and less conflicted than usual. In addition, several aspects of living which in everyday life are usually polarized, dichotomized, or in conflict were found to be somehow "fused:" thoughts and feelings were often felt to be united; there was little difference between desires and values; actions that seemed good for me seemed to be good for others; the boundary between 'myself' and the outside world was at times obliterated. I was much more aware than is usual for me of an "inner voice" or "impulse" that "told me" what I wanted to do in any situation. I felt free to follow this voice as I wished although I can't remember not [4] following it. My senses seemed much sharper than normal (as if 'cleansed'). I felt that I was able to notice smaller details or subtleties that I normally night have missed. I had more appreciation of just being alive and of the entire Universe (especially Nature) than perbaps ever before (certalnly for any prolonged duration such as this).
The ways in which I met and experienced others were very different from what I was used to. I was able to relate to the most varied and diverse people, many of whom had certaln qualities or traits which I would have normally disliked or even have found abhorrent, with an almost continuous positive feeling. I met people incredibly easily and seemed to be aware of cues (mostly non-verbal) I would have ordinarily missed. These provided "openings" in what might have appeared otherwise to be impregnable walls. I met Mike (around 20) when I asked him if he knew of a good place to eat in Santa Cruz. We ate together, talked, and ended up travelling together for the next four or five days. I met Frances after noticing her at a distance whi1e I was sitting near a fountain. A11 at once she was walk{ng directly towards me across a vast plaza; we looked directly at each other; she sat down next to me and we started talking as if we knew each other. I was with her for the next two days. I met Anne while she was selllng jewelry she had made on the street in Berkeley. I helped her carry her displays to her house. She began getting a little anxious that I would want, something she wasn't [5] prepared to give. I sensed this and left. The next day I saw her agaln. We talked very intensely whlle sitting on the curb, with traffic buzzing all around us. I went home with her and was with her for the next four days. In these and other relatlonships, I felt that I could dispense with almost all of the customary social preliminaries and relate on a very intimate level (including the sexual level in a few instances) very quickly and without self-consciousness. It was as if I had found a new key for relating to people. Many times I didn't have to make the initial move-- people approached me (this included women, which is still rare in our culture and certainly rare in my previous experience). Apparently others could find ny "spaces" and move into them as easily as I could find and move into theirs. Leavlng was done by "feel" and not by forethought or planning. When it felt rlght to leave, I (or the other person) simply left. There were rarely any regrets or hurt feelings. There was also an open-ended feeling about the future course of the relationship. In several cases, I later communicated by letter with people that I had met. One girl visited me several times after I returned to Massachusetts. It is possible that I may see some of these people in the future.
On the twenty-fourth day of my journey, I was conscious of having to make a decision-- whether to prolong my trip or to return to the East coast and a new job due to start in several days. I could have sent a telegram saying I would be [6] back in a week, but smehow I knew it was over. I flew from San Francisco to Boston that night.
Almost immediately on my return I experienced the crash.I felt like I was jolted back to earth with the harsh reality of everyday demands-- finding a place to live, getting a car, the demands of my new job, the anxiety over my doctoral dissertation, the pain of seeing the woman I had formerly been living with now with someone else. Gradually, however, I became resettled in the New England environment and even, in time, began to feel that many of the positive effects of my experience were being carried over. These effects were especially noticeable once I had reentered therapy. Because of the impact on my life of this experience and because of my desire to discover something about this type of experience in the lives of others, I decided to do research on this very positive state of being.
[7] The literature that I will discuss falls into three main categories: 1) theoretlcal discussions of "positive mental health," specifically those discussions focusing on (or at least including mention in the discussion of) periods of prolonged positive experience (of at least several days duratLon); 2) empirical studies investigating "in vivo" situations of a pronounced positive nature. In terms of the range of such experience, I have allowed myself wider scope than I have in the theoretical section. For example, I have included several studies of less prolonged positive experiences (note especially the "ecstatic experience"). In each case I have focused primarily on those aspects of the shorter experience which might conceivably be also part of a more prolonged experience; 3) literary or autobiographical accounts of prolonged positive experiences.
I have excluded (with a few exceptions) the following:
1) theoretical or empirical studies of drug experiences and other externally- or self-induced short-term altered states of consciousness (for example, the immediate effects of such practlces as meditation, yoga, or hypnosis). Not only is the duration of such experience typically short, but such experiences are usually difficult to conceptualize [8] as part of the natural development of the personality (Tart, 1969; White, 1972). In addition, most altered states of consciousness (as that term is defined by Ludwig, 1966 in Tart, 1969) are too intense to al1ow a course of "normal" action and interaction. Finally, certain features of such states seem very much opposed to the qualities of the state under dlscusslon here: 1) subjective dlsturbances in concentration, memory, and judgment; 2) loss of control; 3) perceptual distortions ; 4) hypersuggestibility (Ludwig in Tart, 1969).
2) The type of religious or "mystical" experience (examples: the religious "conversion" experience, in James, 1961; the. "mystical" experience, in Zaehner, 1967; the "satori" or enlightenment experience of Zen, in Kapleau, 1965; Linssen, 1969) in which a person is momentarily (or, for at the very most, a few hours) in a different state of consciousness (sometimes without any attempt at self-induction). Here again the duration of the experience is too short for the experience to be considered in this study. In addition, some of these states may exclude consciousness of the external world for the duration of the experience (James, 1961).
In the above two categories of experlence, an outward or internal stimulus trlggers a very intensen but relatively brief, alteration of consciousness. Omly in so far as these types of experiences aid in elucidating the nature of more prolonged experiences w111 they be considered. (It sometimes happens, for example, that the onset of a prolonged positive [9] state is somehow connected with an intentional or uninten- tional short-term alteration of consciousness. Thus a meditation or yogic experience, or a "conversion" or "satori" experience may lead to a longer [usually less intense] state.)
The most striking characteristic of the psychological literature on positive states of being is its extreme scarcity. This void is obvious both in empirical studies and in theoretical treatments. A primary reason for this state of affairs is the inadequacy of most current methodology for dealing wLth some of the more complex aspects of man. One critic of modern psychology, Joseph Wood Krutch complained,
Perhaps less easy to explaln is the scarcity of theoretical discussions of positive mental health or positive states of being. One concept which has only recently been questioned by a number of theoreticians and which has, without a doubt, hindered progress ln thls area, has been the idea of a single continuum from negative mental health ("sickness") [10] to positive mental health. Even with the evidence (which will later be dlscussed) for a two-dimensional view of mental health (comprised of separate positive and negative dimensions), it is difficult for many in the field to conceive of positive mental health as anything but the absence of illness. In an afterword to Jahoda's book, "Current Concepts of Positive Mental Health (1958), Walter Barton, a psychiatrist, confesses,
Barton believes his view is "typical of physicians." From the overwhelming emphasis on negative states of belng in the field of psychology, it appears that most psychologists agree wlth this view also.
The single continuum idea only partially explains the bias in research towards negatLve factors in the personality. Why, for example, does not the bias go in the positive direction? Among the few who have done emperical studies related to positive states, Bradburn and Caplovitz (1965)frankly admit, "It ls easier to ask people what is wrong in thelr lives and what troubles they are having than it is to ask what is right and what positive satisfactions they are experiencing" (p. 130). Tomklns (1974), commenting on the [11] lack of thorough investigation of the positive affects produced by stimulation of the "pleasure centers" of the brain, offers one possible explanation for this negative bias:
Allport (1955) offers an historical basis for the theoretical difficulties Amerlcan psychology has had in accounting for personal growth and positive states of being. Although he apologizes for the oversimplification, Allport views modern psychological theories as tending towards either one of two polar conceptions: these he terms the "Lockian tradition"-- emphasizing the passive nature of man's mind (after Locke) and the "Leibnitzian tradition"-- emphasizing the mind's active nature (after Leibnitz). American psychology, Allport argues, has been primarily Lockian. Some of the major tenets of such a viewpoint seriously undermine attempts at developing a theory of positive being: [12]
Allport continues, "So dominant ls the positivistic ideal that other fields of psychology come to be regarded as not quite reputable. Special aversion attaches to problems having to do with complex motives, high-level integration, with conscience, freedom, selfhood" (p. 12).
In splte of the overwhelming neglect of positive states of being, a few notable theoretical attempts ln this direction have emerged.
Theoretical Studies
Perhaps the most lucid and wide-ranging theory of the process of the growth of the personality was conceived by CarL Gustav Jung. Jung, in fact, saw this growth as central to the meaning of man's life. [13]
Jung was careful to point out, however, that only a few would meet the challenge of attaining their own personality. This is, in part, due to the fact that the direction of personal development is often at odds with one's suroundings. Thus, "the first fruit" of the development of personality "is the conscious and unavoidable segregation of the single individual from the undifferentiated and unconscious herd. This means isolation" (Jung, 1954, p. 173).
Jung used the term, "individuation," which he defined as "the process by which a person becomes a psychological 'individual', that is, a separate, indivisible unity or 'whole'" (Jung, 1959b, p. 275). This 'whole' for Jung included not only the contents of the conscious mind but also the contents of the unconscious.
Jung wrote of an "Inner Voice"-- the voice of the true self, which one must follow if one is to develop his personality to the fullest. This voice, "like a daemon whispering of new and wonderful paths" (Jung, 1954, p. 175-176) is essentially unpredictable. The actions of the person following his "Inner Voice" thus take on some unpredictable qualities. The inner voice makes itself heard through dreams, ideas "out [14] of the blue," slips, lapses of memory and spontaneous fantasies (Jung, 1969e).
It is critical for the conscious mind (ego) to confront the unconscious material but not to be overwhelmed by it (this could lead to a schizophrenic reaction). Jung felt that:
The onset of the process of individuation is seen to occur only through "the motivating force of inner or outer fatalities" (Jung, 1954, p. 173)-- otherwise there would be no movement. A Jungian theorist, M.L. von Franz, argues:
Part of the pain comes from the discarding of the "persona" or social mask that once made up the larger part of the personality and the simultaneous confrontation with the "shadow,"or once hidden negative side of the personality. As the process of individuation continues, the person must confront his "anima" (the female side of a man) or her "animus" (the masculine side of a woman). Other contents of the unconscious are not so easily categorized: they are manifested in "archetypal" images and symbols, which seemingly,"have a lLfe of their own."
Besides the possibility of being overwhelmed by the unconscious contents, the conscious ego runs another risk: the identification with these contents, which produces an "inflation" and "threatens consciousness with dissolution" (Jung, 1959a, p. 145). Each personification of the unconscious has both a dark and a lLght side. The dark side of the "self" (the true psychic center of the personality) is especially dangerous. Confrontation with this aspect of the unconscious can make one a meglomaniac unable to maintain ordinary human contacts. In order to counteract this danger, the ego must continue to function in the ordinary way at the same time the self is contacted (Franz, in Jung, 1964).
There are two main blocks to the process of individuation: [16]
1) Being caught up by instincts (ex.: sexual) or day-dreaming; or
2) The exact opposite: "being overly trapped in "ego-consciousness" (the concerns of external reality-- making a living, success, etc.) (Franz, in Jung, 1954).
"Almost invariably accompanying the crucial phases of the process of individuation" are "synchronistic events"-- meaningful coincidences that cannot be explained in causal terms (Franz, in Jung, 1964, p. 211). Examples of synchronous events are extra-sensory perception (ESP), astrological "predictions" or "coincidences," psycho-kinesis (PK), and premonitions of physical events. This class of events will be more fully discussed later on in this paper.
Goldbrunner, a Jungian theorist, gives some indication of the outcome of the process of individuation:
While Jung stressed primarily the process of growth or "becomlng" Abraham Maslow in his work, Towards a Psychology of Being (1962), focused more lntensely on the actual healthy state of "being."
Maslow clearly differentiates deficiency ("D") motivation from growth (or "B" for "being") motivation-- the former is based on the reduction of tension resulting from prlmary needs (hunger, thirst, sex, etc.) or from neurotic conflicts; the latter is based on a continual striving for personal growth and integration. In Maslow's theory, the lower needs must be met before the higher needs emerge. Thus, he argues, "Man's higher nature, ideals, aspirations, and abilities rest not upon instinctual renunciatlon, but rather upon instinctual gratificatlon" (p. 163).
Maslow's theory is derived both from clinical work and personal contact with healthy (or "self-actualized" people) and from interviews and questionnaires about the "peak experience"-- a momentary experience of rapture, wonder, joy, and, perhaps above all, unity. The condition of self-actualization is defined by Maslow as having the following clinically [18] observable characteristics:
Most or all of these characteristics may be present at some time durlng the state under investigation here.
Several other aspects of Maslow's work have relevance to this study. Of primary importance is the fusion of opposites into a new whole (or "gestalt") characteristic of being in both the peak experience and in the lives of self-actualized people.
Another type of integration in self-actualization is a lessening of the separation between behavioral, affective, and cognitive systems. The resolution of once-conflicted elements in this state leads to a freeing of once "bound" energy; this energy is now available for outside interests and creative pursuits. Because of the lack of inner conflict, a person who ls self-actuatized is more likely to be able to deal with situations of external stress or conflict and even to seek out (as exciting) situations which are dangerous, ambiguous, or which have unknown or mysterious elements.
Another relevant aspect of Maslow's theory is his notion of "impulse voices"-- analagous to Jung's "Inner Voice." These he feels are "instinct remnants" and are:
Finally, Maslow, like Jung, emphasizes the intrlnsic pain of growth, whlch "frequently means a parting and a separatLon, even a kind of death prior to rebirth, with consequent nostalgia, fear, loneliness, and mourning" (p. 190).
The work of William James (1961) sheds lights on a particular sub-category of positive experiences, those he terms [20] "religious" experiences. Some of these types of experiences may be relatively brief, notably the "mystic" experience which has 'transiency' as one of its defining characteristics and the religious "conversion" experience whlch itself is normally very intense and: short-lived (often momentary-- rarely more than a few hours) but may have long-lasting (even permanent) after-effects of a very positive nature. For this reason, we will examine those aspects of the conversion experience which appear to have some relevance for the understanding of the more durable state, which James calls "saintliness."
James views the conversion experience as a shift in consciousness. Religious ideas or values which were once peripheral to one's existence become (often suddenly) central. But he adds:
Even though a man may consciously strive to become converted, in the end he must surrender to a higher power. James believes Starbuck's explanation of the process is a [21] good one and quotes it:
The conversion experience is often preceded by a dark period-- "a sense of incompleteness and imperfection; brooding; depression, morbid introspection and sense of sin; anxiety about the here-after; distress over doubts, etc." (James, 1961, p. 167).
The characteristics of this experience as described by James (1961) are:
Some of these effects may persist (usually in less intense form) after the initial experience. However, James is quick to point out:
In spite of this statement, James does feel that in some people the conversion experience bears fruit of a positive sort. Some converted people lose desires for drLnk, tobacco, or adultery (some, unfortunately, lose the desire for sex, entirely). James terms the most durable and positive result of the conversion experience, "saintliness" and gives its psychological components:
James' listing of some of the practical consequences of this state make it obvious that the religious framework provides a meaning-scheme for the "saintly" person. Such [23] consequences are:
Although James' judgment of the condition of "saintliness" is in general quite favorable, he also notes several dangers or excesses of the state. in the lives of some saints, for example, an extravagance of emotion was apparent, the intellect being too narrow. James feels the lives of other saints had no practical value to other human beings-- especially in those cases in which the person was absorbed in experiencing God's "favors" and secluded himself or herself from the rest of the world. Excesses of purity caused some salnts to go to extreme lengths to avoid temptation-- thus even further removing themselves from the world.
On the other hand, the tenderness and charity exhibited by "saintly" people, James notes, often transforms even unlikely characters for the good and is a creative and useful social force. In addition, the ascetism and poverty of the saint may lead to strengthened character and a lack of such fears as losing money, which, many "lesser" creatures are plagued by.
Another major theorist in the area of personal growth has been Gordon Allport (1958). Besides hls stress on the [24] possibility of a Leibnitzian focus on an active organism, Allport emphasizes the role of motivated striving, above and "instincts" and neurotlc needs-- the dimension of the futurity of men's behavior relatlve to the pursuance of work, values, or ideals outside of themselves. Allport, unllke most modern theorists, stresses the importance of studying and understanding the individual, rather than the statistically "normal" man.
Central to Allport's theory is his notion of the "proprium," defined as "all the regions of our life that we regard as peculiarly ours . . . . The proprium includes all as- pects of personality that make for inward unity" (1958, p. 40). Properties of the proprium include: a bodily sense, self-identity, ego-enhancement,ego-extension (identity with groups, possessions, and ideals), a rational agent (tne "ego"), self-image (including a person's aspirations), propriate striving (persistent striving towards long-range goals regarded as central to one's existence), and a "knower" (or seat of consciousness).
Allport argues that the "demands of our environment cause us to develop numerous systems of behavlor that seem to dwell forever on the periphery of our being . . . . we know that we put on an appearance for the occasion, but we know too that such expression is a masklike expression of our persona and not central to our self-image" (p. 77). A hypothesis arising from this idea is that if the environmental [25] demands upon a person are somehow reduced, perhaps more of his "real" self (in hls own terms) miqht emerge.
A major review of the current concepts of positive mental health was attempted by Jahoda (1958). She classified theoretical attempts to conceptualize positive mental health into six major types of approaches:
1) Emphasis on attitudes toward the self as criteria for mental health. Several aspects of such attitudes are noted:
2. Growth, development, and self-actualization as criteria for mental health: Besides Jung, Maslow, and Allport, several other theorists have developed these criteria. Among [26] them are Mayman, who distinguishes healthy people by thelr "investment in living"-- the "range and quality of a person's concern with other people and the things of this world . . . that he considers significant" (Jahoda, 1958, p. 35).
3) Integration as a criterion for mental health: Different aspects of this criterion are stressed by various authors --
4) Autonomy as a crlterion for mental health: In thls connection, Maslow stresses that self-actualizers are "not dependent for their main satisfactions on the real world, or other people or culture or . . . in general, on extrinsic satisfaction . . . These people can maintaln a relative serenity and happiness in the midst of circumstances that would drive other people to suicide" (Jahoda, 1958, p. 47). Angyal stresses a balance between two trends: [27] "self-determination," the goal of whlch is "to organize . . . the objects and events of (one's) world, to bring them under his own jurisdiction and government" and "self-surrender," "to become an organic part of something that (one) conceives of as greater than himself" (Jahoda, 1958 p. 48).
5) Perception of reality as a criterion for mental health: Schachtel (1959) discusses the imnportance of developing perception relatively free from need-distortion. Jahoda (1958) maintains that healthy people will be more likely to test reality for its degree of correspondence with their own perceptions, while the less healthy willsimply assume such correspondence. Foote and Cottrell (in Jahoda, 1958) emphasize the ability to empathize wlth others (to perceive reality in the other's terms) as important to mental health.
6) Environmental mastery as a criterion for mental health: included in this criterion are the ability to love another emotionally and sexually (stressed especially by Reich, 1942); adequacy in work and play; adequacy in social relationships; and problem-solvlng ability.
Tomkins (1962) is one of the relatively few theoreticians who has focused on a physiological and psychological description of the positive affects. He postulates two distinct positive affects:
1) Interest-Excitement (the former a low intensity affect; the latter, high intensity): This affect is activated by increasing neural stimulatLon. It is characterized [28] physiologically by a pulling down of the eyebrows and a tracking response involving active looking and listening. Tomkins (1962) notes:
He feels this affect is necessary for both physiological survival and for creative activity.
2) Enjoyment-Joy: This affect is activated by a decreasing gradient of neural activation. It ls characterized physiologically by the smile-- the lips being widened up and out.
Tomkins maintains that the most attractive stimuli:
Shelly (1969) views satisfaction in terms of reinforcement. Citing Berlyne's studies of reported positive affects associated with the "pleasure centers" of the brain, Shelly conceives of pleasure as a momentary stimulation of these braln centers. He defines "happiness" as the number of satisfactions exceeding the number of dissatisfactions for a particular period of time. One obvious weakness of this [29] definition is the absence of an intenslty factor. Shelly also introduces some specific terminology for the pleasuarable affects, classified according to the duration of the affect:
Accordlng to this scheme, the term "extended satisfaction" could be appropriate in describing some of the experiences reported in this study and the term 'happiness', some others.
Several theorists, whom I will only briefly mention, have also made contributions to the available fund of theories of postitive being. Robert Neale, a theologian, views optimal human development in terms of a model of play-defined as non-conflicted actions, affects, and cognitions (1969) Martin Buber, a philosopher and theologian, focuses specifically on the potential for positive human interactlon in his work, I and Thou (1958). He states:
Flngarette (1963) describes the self in transformation from neurotic er deficiency based actions to the consummatory phase of "mystle selflessness" during which one is able to [30] act appropriately and without internal conflict and especially without hindering self-consciousness.
Before leaving the theoretical section behind, we must briefly consider the role of some specific technical procedures designed to change (over a span of years of practice) the course of the practitioner's life in a more positive direction. (These procedures may also facilitate short-term, intense breakthrough experiences, for example, the satori experience of Zen, which will not be considered here, as earlier explained.) The Eastern tradition (exemplified in Zen Buddhism, Yogi, and in the way of the Sufi) contains a more developed set of such procedures than does the West. Such procedures include various physical posture and movements (the "asanas" of Yogi and the "spinning" of the whirling Dervishes), concentration on breathing (common in some forms of Yogi and Zen), on a visual pattern (especially a "mandala"), or on an impossible riddle (the "Koan" of Zen), on a sound (or "mantra" in Yogi) or on the "void," "nirvana," or "nothingness" (Kapleau, 1965; Ornstein, 1972).
All of these procedures may be subsumed under the category of "meditation" and, various as they seem, they do have something in common.
The aim of these procedures is to stop the normal processes of thought and perception so that another mode of apprehension may come to the surface. This other mode may be seen as more intuitive, more "whole," more of the unhindered senses, more timeless, more receptive (or "feminine") as opposed to that mode of consciousness taken by many as "reality" in the West: the intellectual, the analytic, the verbal, that tied to a linear, sequential view of time, the active (or "masculine") (Jung, 1959; Ornsteln, 1972). Ornstein (1972) relates the former mode to the rlght hemisphere of the brain (whlch controls the left half of the body) and the latter and the left hemisphere (controlling the right half of the body).
Jung writes of the "technical transformation" achieved by the above types of techniques:
Another type of technique employed may also be called [32] 'meditation', but it is of an "opening up" type rather than the restriction of awareness type previously mentioned. Kapleau describes the advanced practice of the Sota Sect of Zen:
Besides the largely theoretical treatments just dlscussed, there have been a very small number of empirical studies which have some relevance to the positive state of being under investigation in this paper. (Unfortunately, I have not been able to locate a single empirical study in the psychological literature focusing specifically on prolonged positive states.)
Empirical Studies
Most informative and rich among these few studies is Laski's (1951) work on ecstatic experiences. A1though these experiences were almost always quite brief (rarely exceeding [33] 1/2 hour and often momentary) Laski's analysis aids in understanding some of the conditions necessary for, and some of the characteristics of,positive experiences in general. She draws her conclusions from two main sources: 1) responses to a questionnaire concerning personal ecstatic experiences, and 2) an examination of the secular and religious literature on ecstatic experience.
Laski's questionnaire was answered by 58 Ss; both sexes and a wide age range were represented. The actual questions asked were as follows:
The ecstatic experiences described by Laski's Ss were sometimes characterized by a lack of touch with normal life and with people not experiencing the state, and usually had a noticeable (and often profound) influence on their later life. Some of the more prominent subjective feelings reported were:
The frequency of such experiences was typically rare: 5O% of the Ss claimed the experience in units, 38% in tens, and only 12% in hundreds or constantly.
Laski lists several stimuli or situations (whlch she calls "anti-triggers") having an inhibiting effect on ecstatic experiences. Among these are:
She also lists several common "triggers"-- stimuli or circumstances that facilitate or allow ecstatic experiences:
Laski categorized the ecstatic experiences reported by her Ss and in the literature according to the following schema (experienced as progressively "better" by the Ss):
Laskl (1961) also mentioned, unfortunately only briefly, [36] some states of longer duration and involving less separation from normal reality. These she terms, "unitive states" and characterizes them as including "loss of feelings of self, of worldliness, of time, gain of feelings of new life, joy, knowledge" (1961, p. 65). She states, "An enhancement of well-being, both mental and physical, is usual in unitive states" (1961, p. 87). These states are occasioned by such activities as creative work, holidays, love, and childbirth, among others. In terms of classifying such experiences, Laski states,
Finally, Laski (1961) states what must be a focal point of the present study:
Ricks and Wessman (in Southwell and Merbaum, 1971) pre- sent a case study of "Winn-- a happy man." Unfortunately, this small study is so bland it almost suggests "happiness" is a synonym for "dullness." The report is the result of a three-year study of Winn during his undergraduate years at Harvard. It utilizes the results of interview material and [37] test material (TAT, Rorschach, MMPI, Mood Adjective Check List).
Winn comes from a comfortable, warm, accepting, respected family and was "gifted in face, form, intellect, health, and talent" (1971, p. 244). He was unusually self-confident and optimistic compared to other men his age: "The major contrast in Winn's emotional life contrasted zestful, extremely happy days with somewhat less happy ones." Unfortunately we get very llttle insight as to the individual phenomenology of Winn's happiness other than the fact that it ususally included considerable consciousness of food. Besides this we have the informatlon that:
If nothing else, this study reinforces the need for further study of the positive emotions and states of being if we are ever to overcome the simplistic, bland, generalized descrLptions usually given of such states.
Shelly (1969b) performed a factor analytic study (using the results of a questionnaire administered to 100 undergraduate psychology majors) of the "most pleasant situation" during both the day and the evening. (This author's use of the term "pleasant" covers a wide range of intensity: from mildly pleasant to happy, joyful, or even ecstatic.) [38]
He concludes:
Shelly and Adelburg (1969a) performed an empirical analysis of pleasant and unpleasant situations for a group of 75 urban youths. A comparison of the pleasant and unpleasant situations reveals the following:
Environment Behavior Feelings Pleasant Much to do Many friends Much activity, excitment Did a 1ot Talked a Lot Moved around a lot Wanted to stay a long time Was what he wanted to be Everyone likes him Unpleasant Little to do Few friends Little activity, excitement Went alone Felt badly on leavingOf special interest is the fact that loneliness often preceded the most pleasant situation.
Shelly and Adelburg (1969a) justified their study by stating: [39]
Another study performed by the same researchers (Shelly and Adelburg, 1969b) presented an analysis of "satisfactLon sites" (places where people congregate to obtain pleasure or satisfaction or to relax) in Jamaica. Their main conclusion was that people find most rewarding (gauged by the amount of time spent in the absence of constraining factors) places at the extremes of arousal: either highly exciting or highly relaxing places.
A final empirical study of positive feeling states was undertaken by Bradburn and Caplovitz (1965). They analyzed the responses of 2000 men (between the ages of 25 and 49 living in four communities varying in degree of economic prosperity) to a questionnaire. Their main conclusions were:
They also found that:
(Positive and negative feelings were each found to correlate with happiness but were found to be uncorrelated with each other.) Bradburn and Captovitz state,
In this view, happiness is the result of the relative strengths of positive and negative feelings, rather than of an absolute amount of either one.
A drawback to all of these studies (except Laski's and, in some ways, that of Ricks and Wessman), is the reduction of individual material to normative data for groups as a whole. Most of the richness and depth of the individual experiences is thereby lost.
Fortunately, in addition to the theoretical and empirical studies, there exist several personalized accounts of prolonged positive experiences. In these we may recover some of the depth lost in the more normative works.
Firsthand Accounts of Prolonged Positive Experiences
William James provides a lucid description of a prolonged and exceptionally positive state:[41]
Kapleau in The Three Pillars of Zen provides an account written by a Canadian housewife of an experience which began six years after her first experience of "satori:"[42]
Another account contained in Kapleau's book was written by a Japanese executive, also the result of a satori experience:[44]
Gissing (in Laski, 1961, p. 64) provides an example of an indigent young man forced by circumstances to spend a prolonged period (5 years) in London:
Laski terms this a "unitive state."
Another example is Benjamin Haydon's account of a period of inspiration (in Laski, 1961, pp. 87-88)-- also a unitive state in Laski's terms:
A quite remarkable first-hand account of his experiences has written by Carlos Castaneda (1968, !971, 1973), then a graduate student in anthropology at UCLA. Many of Castaneda's experiences bear similarity to some of the experiences reported in this study, and several of the informants used concepts derlved from reading his books to help them understand their own experiences.
Castaneda had gone to the South-West to gather information on medicinal and psychotropic plants used by the Indians there. In a bus depot he chanced to meet an old Indian-- Don Juan Matus-- one of the last living practitioners of the art of Yaqui sorcery. Castaneda began to meet with Don Juan to learn about the plants-- Don Juan had other ideas. He tricked Castaneda into becoming an apprentice by telling him a sorceress was after his (Don Juan's) life and asking him for help. The apprenticeship lasted over ten years.
Several of the concepts used by Don Juan are relevant to [46] the present study- Don Juan employed several psychotropic drugs (lncluding peyote and mescaline) to begln to "break down" Castaneda's normal way of viewing reality. Initially using the drugs, and later through voluntary shifts of consciousness, Castaneda was able to perceive "a separate reality"-- reality dense with what some might call "paranormal phenomena:" people able to transport themselves over vast distances without any mechanical means; reliving in vivid detail of 'past' occurrences in one's life; one sorcerer's ablllty to put his body into "physlcally impossible positions (defylng the laws of physics, gravity, etc.); sudden appearances of persons in the vlew of a landscape, defying all known laws of perceptlon, reality, etc; the disappearance and reappearance of large objects, like a car.
Don Juan continually stressed to Castaneda the importance of "stopplng the world"-- by which he meant Castaneda's usual perception of it and of "seeing" (Don Juan put an unusual inflection on this word when he said it). "Seeing" allowed one to apprehend other realities. Don Juan also used another concept-- "not doing"-- by which he meant to not act automatically as one is used to-- not only in physical actions but in. perceivlng. To "not do" a certain person, for example, is to reject the normal perceptual, description of that person as the only possible one. "Not doing" also applies to oneself. One time, Don Juan told Castaneda to apply the exact opposite description of himself in every situation for [47] several days, Castaneda found that this description fit himself just as well as his previous self-image. The value in all of these exercises was that Castaneda began to learn to control hls perception of reality, once he learned "reality" was not an absolute.
Don Juan also stated that to attain "knowledge" (which was one aim of Castaneda's apprenticeship) one had to be a "warrior." He told Castaneda:
One could choose to follow many paths in life but Castaneda was advised to choose "the path with heart"-- that path most suited to his true destiny. On that path one would ultimately have to confront the fact of his own death-- a confrontation which gives a sharpness and clarity to living not possible otherwise.[48]
The necessity for studies such as this seems to me to be almost self-evident. There is incredibly little information about the actual experiences of people in the very positive ranges of human experience. Barton goes so far as to say,
Because of the lack of such studies, our theories about human personality are bound to be biased in the negative direction. Allport (1955) states,
Recent empirical findings have also made obvious the need for research into positive states of being. Bradburn and Caplovitz (1965) argue,
Finally, several daring theorists and investigators are suggesting that psychology as a science cannot ignore the issue of human values and, in fact, cannot remain a value-free science. It must te1l us something of practical value in attaining a better life. Maslow (1962) states:
Many theorists (Allport; 1955; Krutch, in Allport, 1955; Jahoda, 1958; Maslow, 1962; Bradburn and Caplovitz, 1955, among others) agree that the most prevalent methods available to psychologists-- those of sampling, of questionnaires, of the experimental manipulation in the laboratory of one or two variables, and the subsequent statistical analysis of variance or correlation between the variables-- are simply inadequate for the study of more complex human phenomena. Allport, for example, state,
Fortunately, there does exist a small tradition in psychology of qualitative, or unstructured, research methods. Such methods have been more often used in sociology and anthropology, but the need for them in the field of psychology is rapidly becoming apparent.
Lofland (1971) distinguished between the two basic types of research: qualitative research is more suited to describe the characteristics and variations of a particular social phenomenon; quantitative research is better suited to discover causes and effects of particular phenomena or variables. Dean, Eichhorn, and Dean (in McCall and Simmons, 1969) characterize qualitative research as: 1) being non-standardized in its methodology, and 2) relying on the use of the relationship between investigator and informant for the elicitatlon of information. They glve several instances where qualitative research is called for: where the relationships to be examined are not obvious or explicit; where the phenomenon is in the early or exploratory stages of research; or where detailed case-history material is desired. All, of these characteristics apply to prolonged positive states.
Dean et al. (in McCall and Simmons, 1969) note some of the advantages of qualitative research:
(These authors also note two disadvantages of qualitative methods; 1) the possibility of blas due to the more personal nature of the relationships established, and 2) the limitations of statistical treatment of the data due to the non-standardized method of collection.)[52]
Method of the Present Study
In view of such considerations, I decided to undertake a qualitative study of positive states of being, using a combination of unstructured and structured interview techniques with people who had experienced such states.
The first task was to somehow define what I meant by a prolonged positive state of being while making sure the definition was not so narrow as to exclude relevant experiences. The description I finally decided upon was the followlng:
After writing down a description of my own experience (contained in the introduction), I attempted to define some of the most crucial characteristics or issues for myself. Some of these I "tested" in an informal way by talking to a few people I knew who seemed to have had similar experiences. I wrote a summary of these characteristics which I kept in mind as I talked to each prospective informant (I use this term in place of the traditional "subjects" because the people in the study were more real to me than the use of the term "subjects" would suggest). It read as follows:
The next consideration was finding people who had experienced a "prolonged positlve state" according to my definitlon. I started by asking some of the people I know (especially the 'healthier ones') if they had had such an experience or if they knew of anyone who mlght have. In thls way, I quickly gathered a list of about [54] eight names. I began contacting these people by telephone-- introducing myself, telling them who referred them to me, and briefly describing the study. If they were still interested at this point (the overwhelming majority were), I asked them the following question:
In response to this question, some people drew a total blank. One person told me, "No experience like that comes to mind;" another stated categorlcally, "I've never felt that way;" another said bluntly, "Anyone who says they've had an experience like that is viewing the past through rose-colored glasses." One person said cryptically, "It doesn't sound familiar and I don't wish to discuss such personal things."
Some people were just not sure if they had ever had such an experience.
Almost half of the people who were referred by others and whom I was able to contact (I also asked each person I interviewed for a list of possible informants) replied affirmatively to the question. The question seemed to trigger in the minds of these people an immediate or almost immediate memory of a period (or periods) in their life.
I then asked the person to describe briefly the experience he or she was thinking of. In a few cases where more [55] than one experience came to mind, it took a few minutes for the person to decide which experience stood out most clearly in his or her mind. I wished to know the duration of this experience, some idea of what the person was doing, and how the person was feeling. In individual cases, I asked other specific questlons to get some assessment of whether the experience the person was talking about fit my criterion of a "prolonged positive experience."
Somewhat surprisingly, every person that replied with a definite affirmatlve to my question consented to be interviewed and, even more surprising, all of these experiences seemed relevant to the present study.
Over the course of approximately two months, I interviewed 11 people-- seven women and four men, ranging in age from around 20 to over 40. Occupations included: two teachers (one also a writer, the other also with experience as a psychotherapist); a lawyer; a gestalt therapist; a presently unemployed person who previously worked as a researcher; the manager of a clothing store; a secretary; an occupational therapist; a house-painter, a movement therapist, and an unemployed student. Due to the starting point for my contacts (the Psychology Department of the University of Massachusetts) the interview population is well represented in the "healing" professions. Four of the informants are presently working on or planning to work on advanced degrees in this or other universities. Two of these informants are married (another [56] was to be married two weeks after the interview), two are presently divorced, four are unmarried but living with someone (or about to live with someone in one case), three are unmarried and living alone.
The interview procedure turned out to be a fascinating and rewarding experience for myself and, in just about every case, for the other person as we11. The interviews were long but usually so enjoyable and exciting, time was forgotten. People who had originally said they could talk for only an hour or so ended up talking with me for five or six hours. Many of the positive subjective feelings talked about in the interviews returned with unusual force during the interview, itself. In most cases, an unusually high degree of trust and acceptance was present. Although this was true for both men and woman, in general, lt seemed more true for the women.
I started each interview by asking the person to describe the experience we had talked about over the phone in as much or as little detail as he or she wished. Several people were a little uneasy about having the session taped from the beginning because of ine difficulty they felt they would have in verbalizing their experiences. In some of the first interviews, I was more prone to give in to this request. In later interviews, I suggested that we try taping the session and if it became too anxiety-provoking I would turn the tape-recorder off. This latter procedure worked well in those few instances of nervousness. For the most part, people didn't [57] seem to mind the recording equipment, especially once we got into the actual interview.
After the spontaneous material "dried up" (which might be after twenty minutes in one case or after three hours in another), I asked the informant a list of questions. I was interested in the answers to these questLons, of course, but the list was also used to trigger off other memories of the experience which had been forgotten. In the middle of telling me about feelings during the experience, a person might suddenly remember some sensory phenomena not previously remembered. Thus, except for unusual cases of very long digressions (which were rare), I followed the person's response to these questions even if it was more relevant to another question. The interview then achieved somewhat of a synthesis between structured and non-structured techniques. The questions asked were as follows:
1) How long ago did thls experience occur?
2) How long dld it last?
3) Where did it occur?
4) What were you doing during this tlme?
5) What were your relationships llke during this period?
6) What were your feelings ltke?
7) What were your thoughts llke?
8) What was your behavior like? Was it different from usual?
9) Were your senses affected? If so, in what way?[58]
10) Was there any change in the sense of significance or meaning? Was there any change in the sense of reality?
11) Was your sense of time affected?
12) Were any af the following unifications of opposites experienced?:
13) What preceded the experience? What marked the actual onset of tbe experience?
14) How did the experience end? (assuming it was over at the time of the interview).
15) How was this experience integrated into your "normal" life? What were the lasting results?
16) Did you ever have any similar experiences?
17) Were there any religious or philosophical implications of this experience?
18) Did your outlook on life change?
19) Did the experience affect previous relationships?
The duration of the interviews ranged from a low of an hour and a half to over nine hours-- the average being almost five hours. The total lnterviewing time was just under fifty hours-- about thirty of which were taped. (Besides the necessity for making the person feel comfortable before taping in [59] a few of the early sessions, I also turned the recorder off if a long personal discussion between myself and the informant occurred which was essentially unrelated to hls or her experience. Also, in the last interview, the tape-recorder malfunctioned-- and I recorded only half an hour of a three hour interview. Fortunately, the malfunctlon was obvious and I took notes.)
The tape-recordings of the interviews were transcribed essentially verbatim except for long, abstract digressions, personal stories or asides obviously unrelated to the experience belng discussed, or long monologues that I occasionally engaged in. (These tended to become more moderate as the study progressed.) This procedure yielded almost 400 pages of transcripts.
I then perfomed a type of rudimentary analysis on this material in order to be able to view it a different way. Using each of the questions presented to the informants as a base, I listed each statement, phrase, paragraph or longer sequence of each informant under each category to which the material seemed applicable. Whlle engaged in this process I became aware of other possible "categorizations" that would help me see some patterns in these experiences: among these were such things as mention of an "inner voice" (or "intuition," "instinct," "inner sense," etc.), some physical gestures that were common in describing quite a few experiences, references to weather, the need for a teacher or spiritual [60] guide, the importance of some dreams, the idea of personal "power" experienced in these states, and, especially the occurrence of some paranormal phenomena (ESP, premonitions, etc.). In each of these categories, statements made by any informant relevant to that category were also grouped together.
In the next section, we will examined the results of all thls interviewing, transcribing, analysis, and thinking.
[61] Let me state at the beginning that I don't believe I can "explain" these experiences or even attempt to understand them fully.
Jung said of the development of personality in which these experiences play a part: "There is always something irrational to be added, something that simply cannot be explained." (1954, p. 182).
Besides the reduction to logical processes which the world "explanatlon" usually connotes, there is usually an as- sumption of another reduction when this word is used-- the assumptlon of a general law or applicability of the findings true for all members of some given population. The individuality of these experiences does not allow such an assumption.
Franz (in Jung, 1964) stated:
William James, writing of religious experiences, put it:
I will treat the material gathered in the interviews in two ways: first, as intensely individual accounts of very personal experiences (in this chapter, I will provide case studies of each of the 77 experiences), and second, as experiences which may be compared and contrasted in various dimensions (in the next chapter, I will discuss findings gathered fron all the interviews under such headings as "thoughts," "feelings," "senses," etc.). In these two chapters, my major purpose will be to try to describe these experiences in as much richness as possible.
In the case histories which follow, I have attempted to summarize and make more concise much of the material which the person being interviewed felt was important. I have also tried to include material which would answer most of the questions raised in the interview.
The first of the 11 case-histories includes a minimum of "narration" and is, in fact, largely conposed of edited and rearranged transcript material. Obviously, this method of presentation is somewhat longer than a more concise "narrated" version but I felt it was important to provide one example in all its richness and this particular informant is especially fluent and precise. The next 10 case-histories are written more concisely and use a great deal less quotation material. In all of these accounts, I have attenpted to keep my [63] interpretations and value judgments to a minimum (these I will save for the following chapters).
Abbreviations used include the following:
( ) = paraphrase of informants' own words
[ ] = "narration" of events, exploration, etc. by the author
[Names, locations, occupations and some dates have been altered to protect the identity of the informants. No other details have been changed.]
Angela Rimbaud
[64] Angela Rimbaud is 43 years old, married, and a devout Catholic. She teaches French at a local University.
During the course of some 9 hours of interviews, Angela related four distinct positive experiences. The first of these was a "peak experience" lasting 15 to 20 minutes which occurred when she was 17 and was driving wlth her boyfriend on a road south of San Francisco. As they came over a hill, the sight of a beautiful valley triggered a deep feeling of calmness and peace which had been unknown to her previously.
The second experience occurred when she was 21. She spent three days in New York City with a man with whom she felt very much ln love but who was married. She knew the three days would be all that they would have together since he was returning to California and his wlfe. She experienced during that time a feellng of extremely intense happiness to an extent previously unknown to her.
The third experience occured five years ago and involved a love relationship with R., a celibate Jesuit monk. Angela was married at the time. R. stayed wlth Angela and her husband for over a week. There was never any type of physlcal contact between R. and Angela.
The fourth experience was the one we actually focused on. This was the most recent and the most all-inclusive. The experience began in July, 1973, at a monastery ln Maine, to which Angela goes for a retreat for four days every two months. She had made a request during prayer: 'Let me be able to feel love for people I am unable to feel love for now.'
She "fell in love" wlth a woman whom she couldn't have imagined she could even like-- much less love-- because of very great differences in their personalities. Angela is introspective, quiet, a very "private" person. Her new friend (K.) was loud, boisterous, exuberant, a "life of the party" type. And yet in a brief period of time a very deep bond of affection developed. Although they don't see each other very often now, their friendship is still very close.
When I asked her: about the duration of this experience, Angela surprised me by responding,
She characterized the total 10-month experience by saying, [66]
Each time Angela went to the monastery on retreat (six times since last July), something was 'given' to her which she felt compelled to work on during the months before the next retreat. Sometimes what was given to her was a conflict to be resolved, a question to be answered, or a feeling to understand. She is unable to find a pattern in this process.
The experience at the monastery is often quite intense.
Outlook on life: One of the most striking changes brought about by Angela's experience is a change in her way of looking at her life.
She is more able than before to hear the inner voice of her 'true self' which she calls "Christ."
Another change is towards an effortlessness and non-conflictedness of action which Angela characterizes as "not doing."
Changes in the senses and in the sense of significance or meaning:
Feelings:
Angela still experiences some difficulty with the expression of feelings, especially intensely positive or negative, feelings in a social context.
Thoughts:
Behavior:
In terms of actual behavior, Angela feels that there have not been many marked changes as yet. However, she does relate one incident which illustrates a change in behavior for her:
Relationships with others:
Unification of opposites:
Some Specific Experiences:
In, order to more fully convey the flavor of Angela's experience I will provide the reader wlth two somewhat longer descriptions-- the first concerning a period of several days in the monastery, the second involving an incident which took place outside the monastery.
Period Preceeding the Experience:
In tracing the roots of her experience, Angela stated that the previous Novenber [November, 1972] she and her husband had a woman living with them. This woman got very [75] intensely into religion. Angela and the woman had considerable difficulty in talking. One day they had a long ta1k.
Peter O'Donnell
[76] Chemical engineer; mid 30's.
Peter O'Donnell started his descrlption by saylng:
Preceeding this experience, Peter had been at a university in South Africa studying engineering for five years. The last year was especially intense. The last 13 weeks he spent 11 hours a day reading for hls final exams. Hardly ever leaving his room, he consumed 60 cigarettes a day. At the end he was just "physlcally and mentally exhausted."
Before looklng for a permanent job, Peter decided to meet a friend from his hlgh school days at a town called Tobernie, 2OO miles north from where he had been studying. There they would uork together on a short-term construction job-- helping to build an oil refinery.
When he arrived at Tobernie, he met Brighton and two friends who were living with him.
At the time Peter was a bit anxious about a decision he was trying to make; what type of engineering field to enter.
Life at Tobernie lmmediately settled into a regular routine: all four men lived together, worked together, went to the pub after work together-- in fact, they only times they weren't together were when they were "sleeping or fucking." A very strong bond rapidly developed between the four of them.
When I asked Peter if there seemed to be any change in the usual self/other boundary, he replied:
The group experience was remarkable for the fact that although the four men were together almost constantly for ten weeks, there was no visible evidence of boredom (even though their work, "viewed objectively" was tedious and boring) and there were never any arguments.
Within the confines of the group experience, things that normally would have bothered Peter had either no impact or were felt to be humorous. What might have normally been taken for "criticism" was seen to be a harmless "observation."
Shortly after Peter's arrival at Tobernie, a fifth man came to live with the group. In spite of the fact that he did the same things all the rest did, Peter felt he was never part of the group experience.
This "fifth" person was the only one of the five to be actively corresponding with anyone at the tlme of the experience.
One of the major points stressed repeatedly by Peter was [79] how good he felt durlng this entire period.
When talking about his feelings during this experience, Peter frequently linked them to the fact that he did not have to do any "logical thought" or planning-- that he could just "be" in the present- This he said was "ideal therapy" after his former exhausted condition.
Peter fe1t he "lived a far truer way than what (he) did before or since." This behavior was more natural, spontaneous, and uncontrived. Some things he did then he "never would have done before and never would do now."